Redistribution Of Candy

From each according to his ability, to each according to his need.

NC Non-Citizens Voting, Dead Offered Ballots, UNC Officials Embrace Voter Fraud

Black In Clevland Loves Her OBAMA PHONE

Obama in 98 "I Actually Believe In Redistribution"

Charles Lindbergh 9/11/41 Speech

I posted here about Lindberghs speech about the US entering WWII, here is another video submitted by a reader of Lindbergs predictions on 9/11/41.




You begin to see that there really is nothing new under the Sun.


If you have content to submit my email is truthinourtime@ya.ru

Beware Of Billionaires Bearing Gifts

This is a rare article from Forbes, reposted here to prevent it being destroyed.

By Richard C. Morals
Forbes, April 1997

IF YOU'VE DIMLY wondered what is happening in
Albania, we can, in a brief sentence, explain:
George Soros' friends are coming out on top.
Late in February, armed gangs led by gangsters and
ex-Communists, many of them veterans of the old
secret police state, all but toppled an elected
liberal government, and forced the president to
appoint a neoCommunist as prime minister. While
this was happening, George Soros sat in his London
town house and calmly told FORBES that his
A!banian Foundation is "an excellent group very
much on top of the situation."


On top is right: Soros has kept afloat a
newspaper, Koha Jone, that egged on the coupists
with inflammatory antigovernment propaganda. A
pyramid scheme had collapsed, costing many people
their savings, and the Soros-supported paper
effectively made a call to arms. A top official of
the Soros foundation in Tirana boasted to stunned
observers: "[President] Berisha's going. We got
him."


In an age-old tradition of European political
patronage, this multibillionaire speculator
routinely taps his billions to fund journals,
politicians and educators in Europe and elsewhere.
More often than not, these have an exclusively
left-wing bias.


Soros, 67, is Hungarian-born but a U.S. citizen.
He recently caused a flutter in the February issue
of the Atlantic Monthly by penning a windy attack
on free market capitalism.
Why is George Soros so cozy with people and causes
that might be expected to view his kind as
parasites?

To understand his charitable works Forbes visited
the Soros FoundationHungary's cream-colored villa
in the hills of Budapest. Hungary is not only
Soros' native land but where his charities have
the longest history. There we met Miklos
Vasarhelyi, the 80year-old president of the
Sorosfunded foundation. This man, who dispenses
millions of dollars a year in a rather poor
country, has an intcresting past. Vasarhelyi was
press officer to Imre Nagy, the Communist Prime
Minister exccuted in 1958 for being too
independent. Vasarhelyi stood trial along with
Nagy after Soviet tanks crushed the 1956 Hungarian
uprising. Nagy and most others were hanged or
sentenced to life. Vasarhelyi got just five years,
the lightest punishmcnt of the pack.


Thanks to George Soros, this former Communist has
risen again. A political party he helped found is
a partner in the present government. That
government is a coalition of ex-Communists (now
the Hungarian Socialist Party) and a leftlibcral
group, the Alliance of Free Democrats, a coalition
that came to power in 1994 after defeating a
rather ineffectual moderate government. Soros
blessed the election results.

"These are strong, serious-minded people," he
publicly said of the victorious ex-Communists. "I
have great expectations in general." Not everyone
agreed. One prominent foreign businessman who
first considered, then rejected, doing business in
Hungary, described the current government as a
"bunch of clowns who haven't a clue as to how
to run an ecconomy."


Soros has since banged heads with Socialist Prime
Minister Gyula Horn, but remains close to his
coalition partner, the Alliance of Free Democrats.
He provides many AFD leaders with income. Besides
Vasarhelyi, for example, Soros' Hungarian lawyer,
Alajos Dorubach, is a top-ranked AFD official and
a legal adviser to the foundation.


Soros is the great philanthropist of our age--or
so his press constantly remind us. Every year,
according to his flacks, he gives away more than
$300 million through a network of 1,000 employees
in 30 countries. When Russian scientists were
starving he gave each a year's salary; he brought
fresh water to besieged Bosnians; he's providing
kindergartens for Gypsies. Good deeds, all.

But there is another side to the giving, a rathcr
nutty political side. The 50 offices maintained by
Soros money are spread from Haiti to Mongolia, and
all claim that their works are based on
philosopher Sir Karl Popper's views of tolerant,
open societies. Thus a common name: Open Society
Institute.


Behind the nuttiness, there is a consistency. "The
people Soros hires," says Mark Almond, a respected
Oxford University lecturer, "are noted for their
anti-Thatcherite views. You'll be hard-pressed to
find a religious dissident or staunch
anti-Communist in his foundations."


Johnathan Sunley, the Budapestbased director of
The Windsor Group, puts it even more strongly:
"Soros is engaged in a one-dimensional ideological
laundering of the old Communist/nomenklatura at
the expense of those who didn't get trips abroad."
Sunley means, of course, that real anti-Communists
couldn't travel abroad in Communist days; only
those in official favor could. Soros has adopted
many of these formerly pampered, generally
moderate Marxists.

Johnathan Sunley, The Windsor Group Conservatives
like Sunley say Soros Is "laundering" former
Communists.

"Soros," says Peter Bod, a former cabinet minister
and central bank governor in Hungary, "is the most
influential nonelected politician east of the
Alps." His power stems not from the ballot box but
from his bank account. He wants to see that the
old left-wing dictatorships are replaced--not with
free market democracies, but with left-wing
democracies.

"Yes," the prickly billionaire conceded in an
interview with FORBES, "clearly there is a
political bias in the [Soros] foundation."


Look at the trustees of his U.S. foundation and
you will see where the bias lies. One of them is
the notorious Lani Guinier, the law professor Bill
Clinton tried to nominate as head of the civil
rights division of the Justice Department. Once
her intemperate brand of politics was
examined--such as minority veto power over
legislation--even Clinton backed away from her
and withdrew his support.


"Yes," says the prickly billionaire. "Clearly
there is a political bias in the [Soros]
foundation."


President of the Open Society Institute in the
U.S. is Aryeh Neier, a human rights advocate who
often embraces extreme liberal positions.
So be careful when you apply the term
"philanthropy" to Soros' spending. Not all his
causes are political, but he's clearly a would-bc
social engineer. You wouldn't get far in a U.S.
election running on a Soros-style platform, but
you might feel quite at home in a lot of U.S.
universities.


But back to Hungary. Soros has been working in his
native Hungary for the past 13 years. In the early
1980s he was quietly supporting dissidents in
Central and Eastern Europe. It was then that the
mercurial Vasarhelyi showed up at Columbia
University in New York, where he met Soros. The
ex-Communist hack seems to have had a considerable
influence on the billionaire. With Vasarhelyi's
help Soros made a deal in 1984 with the
then-government. The first Soros Hungarian
foundation had a budget of $3 million and was
jointly run by Soros and the Communists. "One of
Soros' conditions was that I should be his
personal representative," says Vasarhelyi. "He had
excellent judgment," says Soros, "and a good
understanding of what was possible and what
wasn't."


Interesting guy. Vasarhelyi's understanding of
what is possible has undergone a number of
changes. In 1936 and 1937 he studied political
science in Rome because he thought "Italian
Fascism showed the way out of an unjust society."
He secretly joined the Hungarian Communist Party
in 1939 and officially became a member of the
Social Democratic Party. "[The Communist Party]
instructed [me] to join the Social Democratic
Party," he wrote in his 1989 autobiography, "to
try and get a hold of key positions, but to
continue following the leadership of the Communist
Party."


By the late 1940s the Communists ruled Hungary and
Vasarhelyi became a top-ranked "journalist"
spouting pure Communist propaganda. Then he turned
his coat again. By the mid1950s, he had joined
the ranks of "goulash" Communists disenchanted by
Stalinism, but still in love with Karl Marx. After
serving his relatively mild prison term,
Vasarhelyi eventually got a job at a literature
academy, was given a passport and allowed to
travel. The dissidents we talked to said
dissidents normally didn't get such perks. Says
OSI's Neier: "We always regarded him as strongly
committed to the Open Society principles, and he
is held in high regard."


Everyone likes Vasarhelyi. References to him are
to be found in recently released internal records
of Communist Party meetings about a 1989 political
demonstration. Vasarhelyi and others negotiated
with the government on behalf of the dissidents.
According to the records: "it is worth talking
to...Vasarhelyi on whom we have influence" and "if
the [speeches] get into Vasarhelyi's hands we
would be able to get ahold of them." Vasarhelyi
strenuously denies collaborating with the
Communists.

Maybe that was wishful thinking, but it's a
revealing comment nonetheless. Vasarhelyi of
course no longer calls himselfa Communist but
neither is he a big believer in free markets. "I
was and always am very critical of capitalism,"
Vasarhelyi tells FORBEs.

Give Soros credit. His money does do considerable
good. Between 1984 and 1989 he and Vasarhelyi
helped uudermine the Communist Party's control of
information by trading photocopying machines to
cultural and educational institutes for Hungarian
currency; the currency was then used to give
grants to dissidents and to writers of all
political stripes.

But along the way Soros seems to have developed
delusions of grandeur. He wasn't satisfied with
helping end Communist totalitarianism. He wanted
to decide what kind of government would replace
it. In 1990 a new center-right coalition
government was voted into power in Hungary which
killed the Soros-government agreement. That's when
the foundation began its partisan support.
Vasarhelyi denies that there is any political bias
in his foundation. The Soros Foundation, for
example, gives to the youth clubs and pays for
Gypsy dance troupes (the Gypsies are a repressed
minority in Europe).

A press officer told us over a five-star buffet we
should see what Soros "means to the little
people."

Gabor Ivanyi is a former AFD member of parliament,
and a Methodist minister who runs homeless
shelters in Budapest. Last year Soros Foundation
Hungary gave Ivanyi $38,000 for mattresses, an
ambulance to pick up homeless who were freezing on
the streets and for TB treatments. Ivanyi is a
genuine man of goodwill.


But study the foundation's 1980s modus operandi
and you'll see it always mixed applauded works
with politically motivated projects. With
Vasarhelyi's AFD pals in power again, we found the
relationship with certain sectors of governmerit
very cozy. The AFD-controlled culture ministry and
the Soros foundation, for example, both subsidize
periodicals. We matched the most recently
published lists of subsidies and found 77% of the
periodicals that got major government handouts
also received subsidies from the Soros
foundation. It seems to us a foundation dedicated
to an Open Society would go out of its way to
assist periodicals not supported by the government
of the day.

How reformed are Soros' ex-Communists? Not very. A
few years back, Gyorgy Litvan, a Soros friend of
longstanding, a former adviser to the
foundation's board and director of an institute
given Soros' grants, attacked historian Maria
Schmidt. She had uncovered secret police files
indirectly confirming that Alger Hiss had been a
Soviet spy. Her work was widely published in the
U.S. and led to a Reader's Digest article in
Hungary. Then she bumped into Litvan. Schmidt says
Litvan lambasted her for her "mentality," and said
he would do everything he could to stop her
working as an academic in Hungary.

Litvan tells FORBES he never said such a thing,
but admits he used his power to block her from
making a documentary on the secret police. "I
dislike her," he says. "She is on the far right."
This Soros friend has an interesting idea of what
constitutes "far fight." It seems to be anyone to
the right of Alger Hiss.

Interviewing him in London, FORBEs asked Soros
why he supports turncoats likc Litvan and
Vasarhelyi. His reply was--shall we say--a bit
confusing. "They [as exCommunists] know better
what democracy is than perhaps those who were
always opposed to [the regime]." What an insult to
those true democrats who paid, sometimes with
theirlives, for their beliefs.

That's outrageous, typical Soros gobbledygook.
Exactly what does he believe in? A utopian vision
of a sort of borderless, multicultural world,
where people respect one another and the
well-to-do take care of the lesswell-off. But
Soros' friend Byron Wien, managing director of
Morgan Stanley International, comes closer to the
truth when he says: "Soros is terrified of
right-wing nationalism."

Understandable perhaps in a man who spent his
boyhood watching Nazis aud their Hungarian
supporters at work. In testimony to the U.S.
Congress in 1994, Soros insisted that Eastern
Europe's ex-Communists "want to get away from
Communism as far as possible. Their reemergence
constitutes a welcome extension of the democratic
spectrum." Soros went on: "The real danger is the
emergence of would-be nationalist dictatorships.
They are playing in a field definitely tilted in
their favor."

Thus, for Soros, a rosy glow seems to surround the
left, while conservatism seems, to him, a stand-in
for Nazism. That may seem relatively benign when
expoundcd in American universities. It is pure
poison in Eastern and Central Europe, which badly
need to develop their free markets.

Soros annually pumps some $60 million into
outfits in Hungary, among them his Central
European University, whose goal is to educate an
"administrative elite." Here students can not only
bone up on macroeconomics but also on such
American imports as feminist literary theory and
how the media "constructs gender and sexuality,
whether heterosexual or homosexual."

We found Soros' "cultural elite" unbelievably
arrogant. A chirpy Open Society Institute press
officer told us over a five-star Kempinski Hotel
breakfast that she wanted FORBES to see what Soros
"means to the little people."

Vatlay Klaus, the Czech Republics prime minister
and a tireless advocate of free markets, has a
good notion of what Soros' ideas mean to "the
little people." Klaus, in effect, kicked Central
European University out of Prague. The no-nonsense
Klaus wasn't afraid of Soros' ideas. He just
didn't want Soros money buying up Czech
intellectuals.

Soros returned the insult: "Klaus embodies the
worst of the Western democracies." Maybe, but
the Czech Republic is easily the most prosperous,
modern economy in Central or Eastern Europe.

Say this for Soros: He knows his way around the
law. His country foundations are usually local
legal entities but often receive funds, says his
New York press officer, from the New
York-domiciled foundations. That's very
interesting.

According to the IRS tax code, to enjoy tax-exempt
status a private foundation cannot "intervene,
directly or indirectly, in any political campaign
on behalf of (or in opposition to) any candidate
for public office .... "


You can dismiss George Soros as a kooky rich man
who uses his money to collect politicians and
intellectuals the way some rich people collect
castles and old masters. And in a way he is
ridiculous, flying about the world, holding press
conferences and writing books and articles that
nobody can understand.

On the other hand, money can do a lot of harm in
politics, especially in poor, small countries.


Instability



IN BUDAPEST in 1944 George Soros lived a double
life. His father, a lawyer and editor of a journal
in Esperanto (a now almost forgotten effort to
develop a common language for the world), forged
official papers to disguise the family's Jewish
heritage. The papers saved the family, and during
the Nazi occupation, when German and Hungarian
fascist allies rounded up 300,000 Jews, young
Soros posed as the Christian godson of a Hungarian
government official. The 14-year-old George Soros
sometimes found himself accompanying his supposed
godfather as he seized the property of Jewish
families bound for slaughter.

Heroic? No, but how many heroes are there when
survival is the issue and resistance futile? It's
typical of Soros that he purports to remember that
time not as a terrifying ordeal but as an
adventure. "The happiest year of my life," he
calls it.

Read George Soros' frank personal statements and
meet the billionaire in his elegant but slightly
tatty London home-light switches falling out of
the wall, piles of laundry on the bathroom
floor--and you can't help but rather like the man.
Yet sometimes the openness seems a bit phony.
Example: After George Soros challenged Europe's
Exchange Rate Mechanism in 1992, becoming the "man
who broke the Bank of England" and probably the
first person to make $1 billion in a month, he
lectured: "It behooves the authorities to design a
system that does not reward speculators." Yeah, I
did it, but you shouldn't have let me. It's the
system. So he's a capitalist but hedges his bets
by supporting socialist causes.

The key to understanding George Soros is that he
skirts, by his own admission, a kind of lunacy.
It's both his strong point and his weak point.
"Next to my fantasies about being God," Soros told
British television, "I also have very strong
fantasies of being mad. In fact, my grandfather
was actually paranoid. I have a lot of madness in
my family. So far I have escaped it." Just.

One bout of instability came in the early 1980s.
His fund was doing extremely well when he walked
away from his partner, first wife and family. It
was a "very intense emotional process to correct
errors [in the financial markets]," he explains.
"The psychic cost of running the fund was very
high. The more successful I was, the more I was
punished by having more money to run."

During this turmoil Soros walked through the City
of London and was convinced--wrongly-that he was
having a heart attack. "It made me realize that
maybe it wasn't worth it. To have a heart attack
and be knocked out is really losing the game."
He spent a few years devoting himself to his
intellectual and charitable interests, remarried
and eventually pulled off his greatest financial
coup by betting against the British pound.

Unable to resist pondering his navel, eager to
dazzle with his erudition, Soros has produced
several books, all impenetrable to the point where
some people think he is pulling their leg. His
recently published Atlantic Monthly article, "The
Capitalist Threat," is a collection of pretentious
and incomprehensible musings about capitalism, the
implication being that, though he didn't mention
them by name,' Reagan and Thatcher were bad guys.
"The article was misunderstood," he says. "I was
not attacking the capitalist system. I was
attacking the excesses of the capitalist system."

Oh. When he went through his personal crisis in
the early 1980s, he says he felt he was acting out
the conflict between his parents. We couldn't
resist asking: Are you projecting onto capitalism
and the financial markets your own personal
anxieties?

"Maybe so," he answered. "The insecurity I feel
actually corresponds to the conditions in the
market better than the equilibrium that the
professors of economics deal with."

Looking into himself, Soros sees the world.
Looking at the world, he sees--George Soros.
Madness is close to genius.

The Girl with the Dragon Tattoo: Hate Porn for Feminists

 by WF Price

The Girl with the Dragon Tattoo, known in Swedish as Män som hatar kvinnor, or “men who hate women,” was recently released in an English language version, starring renowned drag queen and James Bond actor Daniel Craig. So far, despite the success of the original in Sweden, the film has been doing poorly in the US, perhaps because most Americans don’t care much about Sweden.

However, it is possible that the theme has been overplayed in recent years, and people are no longer willing to buy into the conspiratorial premise. A Steve Sailer review in Takimag calls it “The Da Vinci Code of the 2010s, only with more anal rape,” and in describing the heroine suggests the film is a bit dated:

The second is his young research assistant, Lisbeth Salander, who comes equipped with every add-on that turned on geeky former sci-fi fanzine editors such as Larsson in female fantasy figures back in the 1990s.

Think Trinity in The Matrix, but with even more attitude. Lisbeth has genius computer-hacking skills, a black wardrobe and a black motorcycle, hand-to-hand combat techniques that let her deal out cruel vengeance upon men twice her 100 pounds, piercings, a mohawk, and lesbianism (until she’s exposed to the journalist hero’s recessive charm).

But this isn’t the 1990s anymore, so the appeal of such dusty clichés has drifted up the age range.

Due to the hubbub over the movie, I watched the original (Swedish) version to see what it was all about, and found it even worse than I’d anticipated.

Although Swedish professionalism is evident in the execution, the story itself is such pure fantasy that it’s difficult to suspend disbelief, and it quickly degenerates into a Nazi exploitation porn flick, in which monstrous Swedish, Christian, white-supremacist, racist, capitalist, billionaire Nazi misogynists murder and rape with impunity for some seven decades, mainly targeting religious and ethnic minority females.

The book the film is based on was written by Stieg Larsson, a Communist graphic designer with a persecution complex who devoted much of his life to attacking the Swedish right wing, hence the obsession with the postwar left’s usual bogeymen. But Larsson takes it to a new level, reviving the Bolshevik propaganda he thrived on as a young man, when he spent time arming and training African female soldiers (i.e. cannon fodder) for the Marxist-feminist Eritrean People’s Liberation Front.

In Larsson’s fantasy, Sweden is a dangerous place, especially for women. Heroine Lisbeth Salander, a techno-punk type who could have come straight out of The Matrix, is attacked in the beginning of the film by right-wing hooligans in a subway station, and despite being outnumbered and underweight, fights them off. She is then sexually abused by her “guardian” (she is apparently under state supervision for being a head case), who forces her to perform oral sex in return for access to her own money, and then anally rapes her when she comes back for more. In addition to being tough and sexy (and lesbian!), Lisbeth is a genius computer hacker. Her character, as Sailer pointed out, is essentially a cliché of the typical computer geek fantasy girl.

The hero, Mikael Blomqvist, is a left-wing journalist (a stand-in for Stieg Larsson himself) who has been set up by a wealthy capitalist pig and subsequently convicted of libel. Following his conviction, he is hired by Henrik Vanger, a wealthy, elderly man, to solve the 40-year-old murder of his niece. Lisbeth, who was tasked with checking out Blomqvist for Vanger, hacks into his computer. When she sees what he is doing she helps him with the case, and soon the two are both working and sleeping together.

Together, the duo uncover a serial murder spree stretching over decades. The murders are tied together by a Christian theme, which is uncovered by Lisbeth, who has a phenomenal memory and recognizes the Bible verses jotted down by the victim they are investigating. Soon, they learn that the Vanger family has Nazi connections, and that some of the victims were Jewish, and were sacrificed according to Deuteronomy’s codes. The film goes on along these lines until the end, portraying Sweden as a dark, bigoted place, plagued with incest, drunkenness, rape and murder.

Despite the Nazi background, The Girl with the Dragon Tattoo is above all a feminist work. The original Swedish title – Men who hate women – makes that clear, and the overriding concern is with victimization, penetration, power — all the usual feminist tropes. There is plenty of symbolism, as well as a bit of gender-bending; the sex scene when Lisbeth first sleeps with Blomqvist has her on top, and she is the tough, confident partner in the relationship. Lisbeth also lacks Blomqvist’s compassion, and has little compunction about despatching villainous men. In one scene, which may have inspired Tiger Woods’ ex Elin Nordegren, she smashes the windows of a fleeing villain’s car with a golf club. Her tattoo, from which the English title is derived, is a grotesque, hideous affair that covers her entire back, and her face is festooned with metal hoops and trinkets in the techno savage chic that was popular until some ten years ago. She looks, to put it bluntly, like the kind of dyke junkie one might have found in some basement punk club on the West Coast circa 1997.

One might ask why, given the fact that Sweden may well be under the most feminist regime on the planet, a lefty author would go to such great lengths to depict the place as a hotbed of rape and misogyny. You’d think that since gender equality is the law of the land in Sweden, and women have become the more equal of the two sexes there, there would be little need to frighten people with fairy tales about sadistic Nazi misogynists. But this would be to assume that feminists are rational, reasonable people rather than paranoid, power-hungry zealots. Without a burning hatred for and fear of men, feminism would burn out in short order. The only way to keep the movement alive is to stoke the fires of this hatred, and The Girl with the Dragon Tattoo is meant to do exactly that. With its blend of pornography, vengeance and victimization, it stirs the passions that have long fueled feminism in the West.

A Failed Presidency Or An Entire Failed Ideology?

In the clip below Chris Matthews of Hardball expresses his displeasure with the Obama presidency 3 years in.

It is clear that Matthews has lost the “thrill up his leg” whenever someone mentions Obama, but is Obama really the problem? Matthews complaints are that Obama is running for reelection but “doesn't tell us what he is going to do?” or how he plans to “reform the healthcare system and deal with long term debt”

First Obama never told us what he was going to do the first time around instead speaking in vague generalities but failed to nail down anything concrete. The things he did cement were in large part what got him to the oval office, namely a troop withdrawal from Iraq in 2009, promising to half his inherited budget deficit by the end of his first term and promising affordable healthcare.1

However these promises have not been fulfilled, the troops are still in Iraq, the deficit he inherited was roughly 400 billion making his promise to “cut it in half” so proposterous at this point that it's laughable, and healthcare is still as expensive as it ever has been.

On the surface many people will agree with Matthews, I mean nobody thinks Obamas first term has been a success. But looking deeper we can examine the real problem that Chris Matthews has, it is that Obama hasn't waved his magic wand, he hasn't come out with his miracle cure where his inspiring speeches suddenly create private sector jobs and reduce our debt.

Obama like all politicians made a multitude of promises he couldn't keep and Matthews ate it up like the establishment lap dog he is. But what Matthews either can't comprehend or can't admit to himself is that what we are witnessing in America and largely the Western world is a collapse of nearly a century of Marxist policies. It was easy to dream up government programs and throw fiat money around, it was a time of easy job security in Washington. But at some point the bills come due, and we have reached that point.

Matthews says several times in the videos “just tell us” as if he wants to know the real plan, what the reality of our situation is. But Obama doesn't “tell us” for the same reason nobody else tells us, because it isn't good news “hey you know all these things we have promised over the years, ummm yeah we actually don't have the money for it” That kind of talk doesn't win votes.

If Matthews genuinly wanted to be told, he wouldn't be such an arrogant blowhard to the one politician who does “tell us”. Ron Paul for several decades now has been warning us of this day, a lone voice in a sea of “promise everything just to get elected”. Dr. Paul gives us the hard medicine, but it is what we need and desperatly.

It is easier for Matthews to scapegoat Obama than it is to be honest that his entire political ideology is flawed even when the evidence is everywhere around us.

Sure MLK Was A Communist Womanizing Race Agitator, But He Was A Great Man

The more O'reilly talks, the more he reveals his true neo con marxist roots.

Full Complaint Released Against The Jewish Socialist Head Of The IMF

FULL STORY

International Monetary Fund chief Dominique Strauss-Kahn allegedly forced a New York City hotel housekeeper to perform oral sex and submit to anal sex, in addition to allegedly attempting to rape her, according to a complaint filed today by the office of Manhattan District Attorney Cyrus Vance.

The complaint charges him with two counts of criminal sexual act in the first degree, one count of attempted rape, sexual abuse in the first degree, unlawful imprisonment, sexual abuse in the third degree and forcible touching.

The complaint is a terse charging document, less than a full page in length.

It charges that he forcibly touched the housekeeper's breasts, attempted to pull off her panty hose, twice "forcibly made contact with his penis and the informant's mouth" and that "the defendant engaged in oral sexual conduct and anal sexual conduct with another person by forcible compulsion."

Stalins Jews

Stalin's Jews

We mustn't forget that some of greatest murderers of modern times were Jewish

ynetnews.com
http://www.ynetnews.com/articles/0,7340,L-3342999,00.html

December 21, 2006


Here's a particularly forlorn historical date:



Almost 90 years ago, between the 19th and 20th of December 1917, in the midst of the Bolshevik revolution and civil war, Lenin signed a decree calling for the establishment of The All-Russian Extraordinary Commission for Combating Counter-Revolution and Sabotage, also known as Cheka.



Within a short period of time, Cheka became the largest and cruelest state security organization. Its organizational structure was changed every few years, as were its names: From Cheka to GPU, later to NKVD, and later to KGB.



We cannot know with certainty the number of deaths Cheka was responsible for in its various manifestations, but the number is surely at least 20 million, including victims of the forced collectivization, the hunger, large purges, expulsions, banishments, executions, and mass death at Gulags.



Whole population strata were eliminated: Independent farmers, ethnic minorities, members of the bourgeoisie, senior officers, intellectuals, artists, labor movement activists, "opposition members" who were defined completely randomly, and countless members of the Communist party itself.



In his new, highly praised book "The War of the World, "Historian Niall Ferguson writes that no revolution in the history of mankind devoured its children with the same unrestrained appetite as did the Soviet revolution. In his book on the Stalinist purges, Tel Aviv University's Dr. Igal Halfin writes that Stalinist violence was unique in that it was directed internally.



Lenin, Stalin, and their successors could not have carried out their deeds without wide-scale cooperation of disciplined "terror officials," cruel interrogators, snitches, executioners, guards, judges, perverts, and many bleeding hearts who were members of the progressive Western Left and were deceived by the Soviet regime of horror and even provided it with a kosher certificate.



All these things are well-known to some extent or another, even though the former Soviet Union's archives have not yet been fully opened to the public. But who knows about this? Within Russia itself, very few people have been brought to justice for their crimes in the NKVD's and KGB's service. The Russian public discourse today completely ignores the question of "How could it have happened to us?" As opposed to Eastern European nations, the Russians did not settle the score with their Stalinist past.



And us, the Jews? An Israeli student finishes high school without ever hearing the name "Genrikh Yagoda," the greatest Jewish murderer of the 20th Century, the GPU's deputy commander and the founder and commander of the NKVD. Yagoda diligently implemented Stalin's collectivization orders and is responsible for the deaths of at least 10 million people. His Jewish deputies established and managed the Gulag system. After Stalin no longer viewed him favorably, Yagoda was demoted and executed, and was replaced as chief hangman in 1936 by Yezhov, the "bloodthirsty dwarf."



Yezhov was not Jewish but was blessed with an active Jewish wife. In his Book "Stalin: Court of the Red Star", Jewish historian Sebag Montefiore writes that during the darkest period of terror, when the Communist killing machine worked in full force, Stalin was surrounded by beautiful, young Jewish women.



Stalin's close associates and loyalists included member of the Central Committee and Politburo Lazar Kaganovich. Montefiore characterizes him as the "first Stalinist" and adds that those starving to death in Ukraine, an unparalleled tragedy in the history of human kind aside from the Nazi horrors and Mao's terror in China, did not move Kaganovich.



Many Jews sold their soul to the devil of the Communist revolution and have blood on their hands for eternity. We'll mention just one more: Leonid Reichman, head of the NKVD's special department and the organization's chief interrogator, who was a particularly cruel sadist.



In 1934, according to published statistics, 38.5 percent of those holding the most senior posts in the Soviet security apparatuses were of Jewish origin. They too, of course, were gradually eliminated in the next purges. In a fascinating lecture at a Tel Aviv University convention this week, Dr. Halfin described the waves of soviet terror as a "carnival of mass murder," "fantasy of purges", and "essianism of evil." Turns out that Jews too, when they become captivated by messianic ideology, can become great murderers, among the greatest known by modern history.



The Jews active in official communist terror apparatuses (In the Soviet Union and abroad) and who at times led them, did not do this, obviously, as Jews, but rather, as Stalinists, communists, and "Soviet people." Therefore, we find it easy to ignore their origin and "play dumb": What do we have to do with them? But let's not forget them. My own view is different. I find it unacceptable that a person will be considered a member of the Jewish people when he does great things, but not considered part of our people when he does amazingly despicable things.



Even if we deny it, we cannot escape the Jewishness of "our hangmen," who served the Red Terror with loyalty and dedication from its establishment. After all, others will always remind us of their origin.

The Truth About The Reichstag Fire

SOURCE

By FRED BLAHUT

If the burning of the German Reichstag brought the National Socialists to power in 1933, were the Nazis responsible for the arson? If not, who was?

By 1933, Germany was ripe for another revolution. The Moscow-backed communist revolutions of 1919 had been put down at awful cost. And then the Allies imposed "reparations" that stripped the country of its ability to employ its workers and feed its people, including a British-engineered blockade that resulted in the deaths of hundreds of thousands of Germans by starvation.

The worldwide depression of 1929 hit the country, still staggering under the yoke of the Treaty of Versailles, in the gut. Food was scarce. Jobs were disappearing. Those who had jobs earned money that was close to worthless.

It was clear that the centrist government of President Paul von Hindenburg and Chancellor Heinrich Bruning, under extreme pressure from both the left and the right, could not hold. Fearing civil war, Hindenburg dismissed Bruning and in January of 1933 appointed Adolf Hitler, leader of the National Socialists, as chancellor, even though Hitler had no absolute majority in the lower chamber of the German Parliament-the Reichstag.

And then, on the night of February 27, the Reichstag building burned.

It is important to note that, following the armistice of 1918, British Prime Minister lloyd George had promised the British voters "to squeeze the German lemon until the pips squeaked." Germany had been stripped of its industry, its coal reserves in the Saar and the manufacturing capacities of Alsace-Lorraine.

The German Navy and merchant fleet had been seized; export barriers had been established for German products while free trade was imposed on imports produced by the Allies.

According to Leon Degrelle: "Germany was experiencing near-famine conditions. It was at this moment the Allies decided to confiscate a substantial part of what was left of Germany's livestock." (Hitler: Born at Versailles; Institute for Historical Review, 1987.)

Thomas Lamont, the American representative of the Allied powers "overseeing" Germany, was quoted: "The Germans were made to deliver cattle, horses, sheep, goats etc .... A strong protest came from Germany when dairy cows were taken to France and Belgium, thus depriving German children of milk."

According to Degrelle, "The question was now: Who was going to break the chains?

"Germany looked for an avenger to smash the Treaty of Vengeance. The avenger could not belong to the conventional right and left wings of German politics or any other Establishment entities, whether financial, military or religious."

In 1925, following the death of German President Friedrich Ebert, Hindenburg, a hero of World War I, was persuaded to run for president. He won easily. But, aging and ill, Hindenburg was not the national leader to bring Germany back from the abyss.

Prior to Hitler's appointment, the Reichstag had been suspended several times with rule by presidential decree. Neither the left nor the right believed it was Hindenburg himself who was running the country, which staggered on ineffectually. By 1933, Hindenburg had become senile.

On this point, European newsman Alec de Montmorency tells a story that was making the rounds in the Paris clubs frequented by journalists. Hindenburg, the story goes, asked one of his close aides in early 1933: "Who is that young man with a mustache who keeps bringing me papers to sign?"

Immediately after Hitler's appointment, the Reichstag was dissolved and new elections set for March 5. A violent election campaign ensued.

On February 24, the police raided Communist Party headquarters. It was announced that they had discovered plans for a new communist revolution. But they either didn't discover what they said that they had, or the evidence, for unknown reasons, was suppressed, because such documentation was never made public.

Then came the Reichstag fire. Hitler immediately blamed the communists. Hindenburg proclaimed a state of emergency and issued decrees suspending freedom of speech and assembly. Thanks to the "Red scare," the National Socialists and their allies, the German Nationalists, won a bare majority in the general election of March 5.

Shortly thereafter, first the Communist Party, and then all other parties except the National Socialist,were made illegal. The burning of the Reichstag was the spark that set the country ablaze. If, then, the fire was what catapulted Hitler to power, is it not reasonable to assume that the National Socialists had a hand in it? That was the consensus of propaganda in the United States, France and Great Britain.

The National Socialists blamed the communists, and tried to establish the guilt of Communist Party leaders in a trial at the High Court at Leipzig. They failed.

That led to the generally accepted theory that the National Socialists themselves torched the building. This version has been generally accepted. It appears in most textbooks and many reputable historians repeat it. According to A.J.P. Taylor in History Today, "I myself accepted it unquestioningly, without looking at the evidence."

But someone did look at the evidence: A retired civil servant-and anti-Nazi named Fritz Tobias. He began his project, it is reported, with the idea of settling once and for all the fact that the Nazis had been responsible for the fire. But that's not what he discovered. The results of his investigation were serialized in the German weekly Der Spiegel in 1950.

Here's the story as detailed by Tobias.

At just about 9 pm on February 27, a theology student -later a lecturer at Bremen-named Hans Floter was on his way home after a day of research and study at the library. As he crossed the open space in front of the Reichstag, he heard the sound of breaking glass. He looked up and saw someone climbing into the building through a window on the first floor. The building was otherwise deserted except for a night watchman who apparently did not hear the breaking glass.

Floter ran to the comer and found a policeman. "Someone is breaking into the Reichstag," he reported. The two men ran back to the building. Through the window they saw a shadowy, unidentifiable figure and something more ominous-flames. It was 9:03 pm. Floter, having done his duty, went home. He had not yet had supper and was hungry.

At this point, another passer-by joined the policeman, a young printer called Thaler, who was, incidentally, a Social Democrat, and definitely no supporter of the National Socialists. Thaler shouted: "Shoot, man, shoot." The policeman fired his revolver into the building and the shadowy figure disappeared.

The policeman ran to the nearest police post and gave the alarm. The time recorded was 9:15 pm. Within minutes police backup arrived at the Reichstag, At 9:22, a police officer tried to enter the Debating Chamber. He was driven back by the flames. At 9:27, the police discovered and arrested a half-naked young man. He was a Dutchman named Marinus van der Lubbe.

Meanwhile, the fire brigade had also been alerted. The first report is recorded at 9:13. The first engine reached the Reichstag at 9:18. But the firemen had problems entering the building to fight the blaze. Only one side door was kept unlocked after 8 pm. The firemen, not knowing this, went to the wrong door.

Gaining entrance, the firemen fought the first fires they came to-small blazes in the corridors, it turns out, and not the main fire. Eventually, the full strength of the Berlin fire brigade was mobilized, a force of some 60 engines. The time was 9:42. But by then, the building was beyond help.

Seen as evidence of Nazi involvement in the blaze was the fact that across the street from the Reichstag building was the residence-sometimes called a palace-of its president. The National Socialists being in charge of the legislative body, the president of the Reichstag on February 27, 1933 was Nazi leader Hermann Goering. But Goering had not yet moved in.

The building was unoccupied except for an apartment on the top floor which Goering had lent to "Putzi" Hanftstaengl, Hitler's foreign press chief. Hearing a commotion, Hanftstaengl looked out the window and saw the Reichstag burning. He knew that Hitler and Josef Goebbels were at a party nearby. He phoned Goebbels, who thought Hanftstaengel was playing some sort of practical joke and hung up. Hanftstaengel called back. Goebbels checked with the police and found the report was true.

Within a few minutes he, Hitler and a large group of National Socialists who had been at the party arrived at the Reichstag. An English journalist, Sefton Delmer, managed to join the crowd. Hitler, he reported, was very upset certainly not the demeanor of a man responsible for the action. "This is a communist plot, the signal for an uprising," Delmer reported Hitler yelling to his supporters. "Every communist official must be shot. The communist members [of the Reichstag] must be hanged."

Van der Lubbe, meanwhile, had been taken to the nearest police station. He was interrogated until 3 am of February 28. He was allowed to sleep for a few hours, awakened, given breakfast and, at 8 am, the questioning resumed. He gave clear, coherent answers. He described how he had entered the Reichstag and started a series of fires, even using some of his clothing to help the blazes get going.

The police, thoroughly and methodically, checked his story. They retraced his route through the Reichstag with a stopwatch and determined that the timing was correct for his entrance through a window to the time of his arrest. Van der Lubbe was clear about his motive. He had hoped that the entire German people would protest against the Nazi government. When this did not happen, he determined that he would protest individually.

Although the burning of the Reichstag was certainly a signal for revolt-he called it a "beacon" -he had given the signal alone, he insisted. He denied that he had any associates or fellow plotters. He said he knew no Nazis. He was not a member of the Communist Party. He was a socialist, more politically in tune with the left wing of the centrist government.

Van der Lubbe proved a willing witness against himself. He traced his movement for police during the weeks prior to the arson. He had drifted across Germany, apparently searching for anti-Nazi sentiment and finding nothing approaching the mass revolt he had hoped for. He even told police where he had purchased "fire-starter," a petroleum-based liquid used, as its name implies, to start fires, and matches. The police checked his story. Everything he said proved to be correct.

The police officials conducting the investigation concluded that van der Lubbe was deranged-but above average in intelligence, with an exceptionally accurate sense of place and direction. He knew where he had been and what he had been doing and remembered even small details of his wanderings, purchases and arson.

His interrogators were experienced men, professionals with no political connections. They became convinced that he was telling the truth and that he had set the fire at the Reichstag all by himself, with no outside help or even encouragement. Firemen who had been at the scene agreed that the sequence of arson events detailed by van der Lubbe matched their investigation results.

That conclusion didn't sit well with Hitler and the upper cadre of the National Socialists,locked in a bitter battle with the communists to gain control of the Reichstag. They had committed themselves to the proposition that the fire was a communist plot. Whether or not they believed this, it was the story that had to be sold to the German public if they were to defeat the communists at the polls.

Van der Lubbe and four others were tried for the arson; a man named Torgler, the leader of the communist bloc in the Reichstag, and three Bulgarian communists including Georgi Dimitrov.

Van der Lubbe's guilt was beyond question. He had been found in the Reichstag and he admitted starting the fires. But that wasn't what was worrying the Nazis. Everyone accepted van der Lubbe's guilt. It was the communists the Nazis wanted convicted.

A number of "expert" witnesses were produced-with Nazi help-by the prosecution with the intention of proving that the fire could not have been started by one man. But van der Lubbe proved to be the best witness for the other defendants. Testifying for hours, he told the judges that it was he, and he alone, who was responsible. He was quoted: "I was there and they [the other four defendants] were not. 1know how it was done because 1did it."

The High Court arrived at a complex verdict. First, van der Lubbe was found guilty. He was subsequently executed. (Arson was not a crime punishable by death. But Hitler managed to shove through a law to that effect and make its ramifications retroactive, a decision that would come back to haunt him.)

The other four defendants were found innocent. But, the court agreed with the Nazi-provided "expert" witnesses that the Dutchman could not have done it alone and that, therefore, the Reichstag had been torched by van der Lubbe and "persons unknown."

The Nazis had been hoist by their own petard. If van der Lubbe had accomplices, and the accomplices were not communists, who were they? The implication was that the accomplices must have been National Socialists, a point made repeatedly in court by Dimitrov, and echoed by the Establishment media throughout the Western world.

(Dimitrov, incidentally, fled Germany following the trial to the USSR where he rose in the ranks of Soviet officialdom and later returned to Bulgaria to take over leadership of the communist government there.)

The propaganda possibilities of the High Court decision were not lost on the communists. Enter a man named Willi Munzenberg, a German expatriate communist popular with the media and the pro-communists in the West, particularly Great Britain. The communists published what was called the Brown Book about the fire, filled with alleged evidence of National Socialist complicity in the arson. That the communist evidence of Nazi involvement was no more convincing than the Nazis' evidence of communist complicity was lost on the popular press.

Subsequently, the communists staged a counter-trial in London that, not unexpectedly, brought in a guilty verdict against the Nazis. Considered vital evidence in the counter-trial was the existence of a tunnel between Goering's residence and the Reichstag which carried electric and telephone cables and pipes for central heating.

According to the communists, a group of Brown Shirts had used the tunnel to enter the Reichstag and soaked the curtains and woodwork with a flammable liquid which caught fire when 'van der Lubbe struck the match or, alternately, they set the fire themselves. According to the latter version, when all was ready, van der Lubbe was pushed through the window into the Reichstag by an unnamed accomplice of the Brown Shirts, there to be found and arrested.

The Brown Book also alleged that, far from being an intelligent Socialist, Van der Lubbe was a degenerate half-wit and a homosexual prostitute, kept by Brown Shirt leader Ernst Roehm. This was the story accepted by the Western press in 1933 and, subsequently, historians. It became something "everyone knows," without anyone actually examining the facts.

There were allegations that the fire brigades were deliberately delayed by the Nazis. But the record books of the aforementioned brigades disprove this. And, almost all history books say the records of van der Lubbe's interrogation by the police had mysteriously disappeared. But again, that isn't true. Tobias found them where they were supposed to be-in the office where they had always been-in eight copies.

Van der Lubbe, having been characterized by the Nazis as a communist dupe, was treated even more harshly by the communists. Included in the Brown Book is a statement by a Dutch friend of the arsonist. One sentence reads: "I often spent a night in the same bed with him." This was used by the communists as proof of his homosexuality. But, according to Taylor, the sentence originally went on: " ... without observing any homosexual tendencies in him."

Taylor goes on to point out that all the stories about van der Lubbe's bad upbringing, about his disreputable family and his lack of friends "were in fact lies; communist forgeries."

The most vital evidence produced by the communists was the tunnel and the allegation that it had been used by the Brown Shirts. This, the communists alleged, had been revealed by repentant Brown Shirts to communists in Paris. One alleged Brown Shirt appeared at the counter-trial with a muffler wrapped around his face to conceal his identity. It was a wise precaution, according to Taylor, because the witness "was, in fact, a well-known communist and unmistakably Jewish."

Another confession supposedly came from one Karl Ernst, Brown Shirt leader in Berlin. Conveniently, the "confession" turned up after Ernst was dead, killed in the purge of June 30, 1934. Even more convenient, Ernst cleared up any items in the earlier communist versions of the arson where inaccuracies had been proven. But one point Ernst got wrong.

His post-mortem "confession" agreed with other "confessions" that the Brown Shirts entered the Reichstag at 8:49 pm. This had to be the time if they were to do their work before van der Lubbe was "pushed through the window" at 9:03. Unfortunately, Ernst (or the communist forgers) were unaware of one item in the Reichstag routine. At 8:45 pm, a postman came through the side door to collect the deputies' mail.

On February 27, he entered as usual, walked through the deserted building and left at 8:55 pm. He found nothing out of the ordinary-no shadowy figures, no smell of flammable liquid. In fact, the postman disproves the "accomplices" theory, no matter who those accomplices were alleged to have been, because of the time sequences.

And then there is the small fact overlooked by historians-that when Goering arrived at the Reichstag at 9:35 pm, having been alerted by his friend, he immediately thought entrance might have been gained through the tunnel. He was quoted: "They [the arsonists] must have come through the tunnel." He immediately went off with several policemen-not Nazis-to examine it. They found the doors at either end securely locked.

Would Goering have called for a search of the tunnel if he or his compatriots had been responsible for the fire? Hardly likely. He and the police might have caught the conspirators exiting on the Goering residence side.

In non-ideological retrospect, the same lack of evidence that exonerates the communists serves to also exonerate the National Socialists. If the Nazis had set fire to the Reichstag they would have manufactured evidence against the communists, just as the communists manufactured evidence against the Nazis in the Brown Book and the counter-trial.

The Brown Book was not intended to be closely examined. If it achieved its propaganda purpose-which it did, in the UK and the United States, at least- Munzenberg and his associates were satisfied.

Here is what can be determined from the facts that can be proved. No one came through the tunnel. There was no other way to enter the Reichstag, except past the night watchman or by breaking the window. Only van der Lubbe broke a window. Those who want to stick to the communist version, although they admit they can't prove how the Nazis got into the Reichstag, point to the trial testimony that van der Lubbe had to have had help.

But this evidence is the most unreliable of all. The most emphatic "expert" was, according to Taylor, "a crank distrusted by his colleagues." He claimed to be an authority on a strange "fluid" which, he said, was necessary for starting fires, He alleged that this "fluid" had a distinctive smell. But no policeman or fireman at the scene noticed any smell except smoke-no "fluid"; not even gasoline.

How could van der Lubbe have set the fire himself? These old, grandiose buildings were fires waiting to happen. There were heavy, dusty curtains everywhere; wooden paneling, high ceilings, drafts under the doors; everything capable of supporting a fire.

In 1834, the Houses of Parliament at Westminster in the UK were entirely destroyed by fire, Simply by a stove pipe becoming too hot. If this is too "historical" for today's reader, in 1956, the Vienna Stock Exchange was gutted by fire as the result of one smoldering cigarette in a wastepaper basket. Van der Lubbe had over 20 minutes to start fires; more than enough time.

One point: the postman left the building at 8:55 pm. How did van der Lubbe know it was safe to break in? He couldn't have; it was a lucky break, a coincidence. In any event, Hitler was well known for his penchant to improvise and it is obvious that is what he did while watching the Reichstag burn. Here was his chance to demonize the communists to his own advantage. He couldn't have known the outcome of that decision.

That van der Lubbe was guilty is beyond question. There is more evidence to acquit both the communists and the National Socialists of complicity than evidence to convict either group. But Germany lost the war and the communists won; and the winners write the history books.

BIBLIOGRAPHY



Davidson, Michael worth, MA, Editor. "Hitler Soars to Power." When, Where, Why & How It Happened. Readers Digest Association limited, London, New York, Sydney, Cape Town, Montreal, 1995.
Degrelle, Gen. Leon. Hitler: Born at Versailles: lnstitute for Historical Review, Torrance, California, 1987.
Degrelle, Gen. Leon. Hitler: Democrat. Unpublished manuscript.
Montmorency, Alec de. Interview by the author, November, 1995.
Taylor, A.J.P. "Who Burned the Reichstag?" History Today, London, June, 1956.

Fred Blahut has been a writer and editor for more than 30 years and currently is managing editor of The SPOTLIGHT and assistant editor of TBR.

Red Rosa

This is the original link with a lot of great pictures, I reposted the text here to insure that this great and crucial work will not go down the memory hole.

by Jeff Hook

AS A VETERAN ACTIVIST, Rosa Parks earned a major role in a Communist production entitled “The Civil Rights Movement.” She played her part convincingly for fifty years, from 1955 to her death in 2005: that of the courageous little seamstress who refused to relinquish her bus seat to a White man.

Parks wasn’t the first Black to be arrested for refusing to move to the back of the bus, just the first to pass the audition. The other two candidates were rejected as wholly unsuitable as they exemplified the violent-prone nature and low-average I.Q. that makes segregation a necessity. More importantly, unlike Rosa Parks, they had not been properly inculcated in the writings of Karl Marx or tactics of the Party.

The Script

We are told that on December 1, 1955, Rosa Parks, a 42-year-old African American woman who worked as a seamstress, boarded a Montgomery City bus to go home from work. On that bus on that day, Rosa Parks initiated a new era in the American quest for freedom and equality.

She sat in the “Negroes Only” section, near the middle of the bus, just behind the 10 seats reserved for Whites. When the ten seats were filled, the driver ordered her to give up her seat so that a White man could sit there. Mrs. Parks quietly refused to give up her seat.

Her dignified action was spontaneous and not pre-meditated. “When I made that decision,” she said later, “I knew that I had the strength of my ancestors with me.”

She was arrested and convicted of violating the laws of segregation, known as “Jim Crow laws.” Mrs. Parks appealed her conviction and thus formally challenged the legality of segregation. The arrest inspired local citizens who spontaneously initiated a boycott of the Montgomery bus system.

A group named the Montgomery Improvement Association, composed of local activists and ministers, organized the boycott. As their leader, they chose a young Baptist minister who was new to Montgomery: Martin Luther King, Jr.

Sparked by Mrs. Parks’ courageous action, the boycott lasted 381 days, into December 1956 when the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that the segregation law was unconstitutional and the Montgomery buses were integrated. The Montgomery Bus Boycott was the beginning of a revolutionary era of non-violent mass protests in support of civil rights in the United States.

In the South, city buses were lightning rods for civil rights activists. It took someone with the courage and character of Rosa Parks to strike with lightning. And it required the commitment of the entire African American community to fan the flames ignited by that lightning into the fires of the civil rights revolution. By the sheer force of her will, she set in motion a revolution that continues to this day.

The Inconvenient Facts

On 2 March 1955, eleven months before Parks’ arrest, Claudette Colvin refused to move to the back of the bus. When Montgomery police arrested Colvin, she went kicking and screaming, hurling profanity at police and bystanders, and was charged with assault, disorderly conduct, and violating the segregation law. Colvin was eventually convicted of assault, fined ten dollars, and placed on probation for a year. The other charges were dropped.

The 15-year-old Colvin, described in numerous texts as being “prone to outbursts and cursing,” became pregnant by a much older man soon after the arrest. To this day, no one speaks of the unidentified rapist, and no charges were filed.

Colvin was active in the NAACP’s Youth Council, and mentored by none other than Rosa Parks.

“It was the organization that pushed her up front,” Colvin said later. “Police accused me of clawing them. I may have, I don’t remember. I was very emotional. I did have long nails.” [Detroit Free Press, 4 November 2005]

On 21 October 1955, six weeks before Rosa Parks, 18-year-old Mary Louise Smith was arrested for defying a bus driver’s order to relinquish her seat to a White man. She was released after paying a nine dollar fine.

Smith was a high-school dropout and housekeeper. Apparently illegitimate, she lived in a clapboard shack in the country with her father who was well known to the community as an abusive alcoholic. [Taylor Branch, Parting the Waters: America in the King Years 1954-1963.]

Long before Rosa Parks made her valiant stand, Jim Crow laws had been outlawed in interstate train travel, and Blacks in several Southern cities were busy picketing the practice of segregated bus systems. There had already been a major bus boycott in Baton Rouge, Louisiana, in 1953.

At the time of Parks’ arrest, standing by with bail money was her attorney, Clifford Durr, who entered a plea of ‘not guilty’ on her behalf. Photo-ops had been arranged.

Durr was a close associate of Jessica Mitford, an official of the Communist Party. In 1949, he joined the communist front National Lawyers Guild. He subsequently became President of the Guild. Later, Durr opened a law practice in Washington, D.C. representing federal employees who had lost their jobs as a result of the loyalty oath program. Durr subsequently represented Frank Oppenheimer, first director of Los Alamos National Laboratory, and member of the Communist Party.

Jo Ann Robinson, a Black activist who taught both high school and college at Alabama State, served as president of the Women’s Political Council (WPC) in Montgomery. She had devised the strategy for the bus boycott months before the Parks episode.

Robinson was tasked with printing and distributing leaflets condemning Parks’ arrest and announcing the bus boycott. More than 52,000 of the leaflets were on the street by the next morning. The official tale has Robinson “staying up all night typing and mimeographing.” [The Torchbearer Rosa Parks, by Rita Dove, Time Magazine's 100 most important/influential people of the 20th century]

As Secretary and Youth Director of the Alabama chapter of the NAACP (National Association for the Advancement of Colored People), Parks was a seasoned activist. In actuality, she wielded great power in the chapter; she was the one who had noticed Martin Luther King Jr. and asked him to join the executive committee. She also participated in the meetings where the Montgomery NAACP leaders decided against using Colvin or Smith as the test case.

Prior to Rosa Parks’ planned arrest for violating the segregation law, the Alabama NAACP leadership arranged for her to attend the Highlander Folk School in Monteagle, Tennessee. Parks attended summer training there in 1955, 1956, and 1957.

In a letter to FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover, a field agent wrote: “This school is a hotbed of communism and anarchy. It is the opinion of this writer that this beloved East Tennessee is being ‘Honey-combed’ with communism and anarchy. And the Highlander Folk School is the hot-bed. If it were possible an agent of the Dept. should be sent there as a student. He would find that a statute was being violated — possibly treason.” [FBI memorandum, 3 April 1936, Highlander Folk School files, Freedom of Information Act release]

Another FBI memorandum to J. Edgar Hoover described the school, which was founded in 1932, as a “Communist front” whose purpose was to “better control their unions and to give instruction on how to cause and carry on their strikes.” A third memo described the school as “spreading Communist propaganda and training agitators and propagandists.”

In a book published in 1995 entitled, “Speak Now against the Day,” by John Egerton, the author writes: “Highlander had started summer workshops on school desegregation in 1954, right after the Brown decision. The Montgomery NAACP wanted to send a delegate to Highlander the next year. They chose their youth director, Rosa Parks.”

Mr. Egerton’s book contains a photograph of Parks at the school in 1957. However, according to Edgarton, her first training session took place only a few months before she sat down in the front of the bus in December, 1955.

After the boycott, the “little seamstress” moved with her husband to Michigan, where she became the manager of Congressman John Conyers’ office.

The NAACP

In 1909, the formation of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) was urged by the leading left-wing radicals of the era. Moorfield Storey, an attorney from Boston, was recruited to be its first president (1910-1915). Storey was an active member of the Communist front Anti-Imperialist League.

From 1915 to 1939, the NAACP was dominated by Joel E. Spingarn who served as Chairman of the Executive Board, Chairman of the Board of Directors, and President. He was succeeded as president by his brother, Arthur Spingarn (1940-1966), who handed the baton to Kivie Kaplan (1966-1975). All three men were Jews.

The founding board of directors had only one prominent Black: W.E.B. DuBois, the organization’s director of publicity and research and the editor of its monthly magazine, The Crisis. Dubois hailed the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917, and he traveled to Moscow in 1926 and 1936. He especially liked the racial attitudes of the Communists, and was known for referring to Negroes as the “national minority” rather than ‘Black minority’.

In 1923, the NAACP began to receive grants from the FBI-identified Communist front Garland Fund. Officials of the Fund included Moorfield Storey.

At the fourth national convention of the Workers (Communist) Party in 1925, the comrades were told that it was “permissible and necessary for Communists to enter NAACP conventions and make proposals calculated to enlighten the Negro masses to the nature and necessity of the class struggle…”

In 1928, the Communist International worked with the NAACP for a Negro-controlled State composed of all contiguous Southern counties having majority-Black populations — the so-called Black Belt. In 1930, the Communist International worked with the NAACP to organize the “Negroes of the South” for the purpose of setting up a separate state and government in the South.

Meanwhile, W.E.B. DuBois’ views were so overtly Communist, he became an embarrassment to the NAACP Jews who, of necessity, had to depend upon financial and other support from White America. In 1934, DuBois was booted from the NAACP, and devoted his energies full-time to working for Communist projects.

The departure of DuBois from the NAACP did not mean that the organization had moved away from Communism. In 1938, the NAACP was represented in the World Youth Congress, a Communist enterprise. And, in the 1940′s the NAACP was affiliated with American Youth for a Free World, the American affiliate of the World Federation of Democratic Youth, a Communist clearing house.

In 1953, an unusual and total endorsement was given to the NAACP by the Communists in their Daily Worker (September 30): “It should be clear that we Communists… should give every possible support to any and all campaigns conducted by the NAACP.”

Four years later, a similar endorsement appeared in the Daily Worker (February 19, 1957): “Communists in labor unions are thus pledged to get their unions to support the NAACP… Communists in communities are pledged to aid in increasing our membership and financial strength in the NAACP.”

In 1965, the NAACP joined with notorious Communist leaders to memorialize the passing of DuBois, who chose Communist Ghana as his burial site. In The Autobiography of W.E.B. Dubois, Dubois wrote: “I believe in communism… I believe that… wealth and services should be distributed according to need. Once I thought that these ends could be attained under capitalism. I now believe that private ownership of capital and free enterprise are leading the world to disaster. I know that the triumph of communism will be a slow and difficult task, involving mistakes of every sort.”

For ten years prior to his appointment in 1939 to the Supreme Court of the United States, the Jew Felix Frankfurter, an unreconstructed Bolshevik, served as legal adviser to the NAACP. That intimate association never deterred Frankfurter from sitting and writing decisions on cases where the NAACP was directly involved.

Frankfurter was a founding member of the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU).

Frankfurter was credited with drafting the Balfour Declaration, the 1918 statement of the British government favoring the establishment of the Jewish homeland in Palestine.

On May 5, 1920, two Italian immigrants with ties to the Communist Party, Nicola Sacco and Bartolomeo Vanzetti, were arrested and charged with the robbery and murder of a paymaster and his guard in South Braintree, Massachusetts. The Communist International urged all Communists, socialists, anarchists, and trade unionists to organize efforts to rescue Sacco and Vanzetti who were convicted and sentenced to death. Comrade Frankfurter, then a law professor at Harvard, did more than any individual to rally “respectable” opinion behind the two men. He accused the prosecutor of exploiting the public’s fear of communism and prejudice against immigrants. The effort failed, and the pair were executed in the electric chair on August 23, 1927.

In 1917, early Black nationalist Marcus Garvey became famous for storming out of the NAACP’s headquarters proclaiming to be “dumbfounded” by the apparent domination of Whites. These “Whites” included Board Chairman Joel Spingarn, his brother Arthur who was pro bono counsel, Herbert Lehman of the Executive Committee, Arthur Sachs, Herbert Seligmann – director of public relations, and his secretary Martha Gruening. All Jewish. In later years, Jews had their revenge when Garvey ran into trouble with the law concerning his part-ownership of a steam line business. “I am being punished for the crime of the Jew Silverstone, an agent of the Black Star line,” he complained. “I was persecuted by Maxwell Mattuck, another Jew, and I am to be sentenced by Judge Julian Mack, the NAACP board member.”

The Highlander Folk School

Highlander Staff:

• Myles Horton – Director

Before founding the Highlander Folk School in 1932, Myles Horton — a member of the Young Communist League — was President of Commonwealth College in Mena, Arkansas. Commonwealth College was controlled by the Peoples Institute of Applied Religion, which had been organized by the Communist Party. [William Nolan, Communism Versus The Negro, Chicago, Henry Regnery Co., 1951, pp. 129-131.]

The purpose of Commonwealth College was to prepare people to infiltrate and influence the churches in the strongly religious South, indoctrinating them with Marxism expressed in religious jargon. Commonwealth College was closed by the state of Arkansas because it showed a lack of discretion. Among other odd practices, it flew the hammer and sickle flag.

• James Dombrowski – Chairman

Dombrowski was Executive Director of the Southern Conference Education Fund (SCEF). The organization was an outgrowth of an earlier one, the Southern Conference for Human Welfare. In 1944, a congressional committee characterized the Southern Conference for Human Welfare in these terms:

Careful examination of its activities will disclose that the Conference is being used to further Soviet policy. Key posts are in most instances controlled by persons whose record is faithful to the line of the Communist Party. [Special Committee on Un-American Activities, Hearings on ClO Political Action Committee, March 29, 1944, p. 147.]

Cited again in similar terms in 1947, the Southern Conference For Human Welfare did a quick-change act and reappeared in 1948 as the Southern Conference Educational Fund. Surprise. The organization maintained the same headquarters, the same address, the same telephone number, the same publication, and the same executive director. [Activities of the SCEF, Inc., LA, part 1, Joint Legislative Committee on Un-American Activities, State of Louisiana, 1968, p. 2.]

The Senate Internal Security Subcommittee in 1954 described SCEF as “one of the Communist transmission belts” for the South — an organization through which the Communists send forth the Party line. [SCEF Hearings, Committee on the Judiciary, U.S. Senate, 1954, p. v.]

Dombrowski had approximately sixty citations from government investigating bodies of affiliation with various Communist fronts or Communist projects. Paul Crouch, who defected from Communism after serving for many years as the top U.S. Communist in the South, and who taught Revolution and subversion for the Communists in Moscow, testified before the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee as follows: “Dr. Dombrowski told me on several occasions that he preferred to be called a Left Socialist rather than a Communist; that he could serve the revolutionary movement better under the Socialist label than the Communist label.” Asked if that was a customary practice among top-flight Soviet operators, Crouch answered, “Yes sir.”

Crouch further testified that during a conference he attended with Highlander leadership, the following strategy was discussed: “The purpose was to work out a plan by which the Daily Worker would be made accessible to Highlander students, the instructors would refer to the Daily Worker and encourage the students to read it, and it was agreed that the Communist Party should have a leader sent there as a student. Mildred White, now in Washington, D.C., was selected to attend the Highlander Folk School for the purpose of recruiting for the Communist Party and carrying the Communist Party line among the student body there.”

Working with Dombrowski was SCEF Field Secretary, Carl Braden and his wife Anne. In 1954 Braden was convicted and sentenced to fifteen years in prison for bombing the home of a Negro who had just moved into a White neighborhood, and for attempting to place the blame on the Caucasian neighbors — a frequent Communist tactic. During Braden’s trial for sedition, he and his wife were identified as Communist agents by Alberta Ahearn, an undercover FBI agent who had surfaced from the Communist Party to testify in court that Carl Braden was a southern district organizer for the Communist Party and national sponsor of the notorious Fair Play For Cuba Committee. [Congressional Record, 16 May 1968, pE4309]

Ann Braden was also indicted for sedition by the State of Kentucky for her work with the Communist Party, prompting the ACLU to challenge Kentucky’s law against advocating a violent, Communist overthrow of the government. Within a year, the U.S. Supreme Court struck down Kentucky’s sedition law, and both Bradens were released. [Congressional Record, 16 May 1968, pE4752]

• Zilphia Horton – Wife of Director Myles Horton. Teacher of Music and Dramatics. Co-author of the Communist battle hymn “We Shall Overcome.”

• Richard Gothe – Youth Camp Director. Also Director of the American Youth Congress (Communist front). Described in FBI memorandums as “that commie kraut.”

Highlander Advisory Committee:

• Dr. Rev. Reinhold Niebuhr – Professor at Union Theological Seminary. Communist. Founder of the anti-National Socialist “American Friends of German Freedom.”

• Dr. Rev. Arthur Swift – Professor at Union Theological Seminary. Communist.

Note on the Union Theological Seminary: Rev. Harry Ward, Dean of the Union Theological Seminary in New York City was Chairman of the ACLU in 1920. In 1908, he was the founder of the oldest, officially-cited Communist-front group in America, the Methodist Federation for Social Action. A year later, he played a part in organizing the Federal Council of Churches, forerunner of the present day, National Council of Churches. Ward is described in FBI memorandums as “the Red Dean.”

• Mary Van Kleeck – Leader of the Women’s Trade Union League. Communist.

• Dr. George S. Counts – Teacher’s Union Organizer. In the early thirties, he wrote several books highly laudatory of the Soviet dictatorship, indicating that it had introduced a “new era.”

• Dr. Rev. Sherwood Eddy – Episcopalian. Communist. Union organizer. Advocate of birth control. In the spring of 1936 Eddy was flogged by a band of plantation owners for helping to organize a strike of the Georgia Cotton Picker’s Union.

• Franz Daniel – President of the Industrial Union of Marine & Shipbuilding Workers of America. Official of the Amalgamated Clothing Worker’s Union. Communist.

• Roger Baldwin – Founder and Director of the ACLU. Jew. Communist.

• Rev. William Spofford – Episcopalian. Textiles Union Organizer. Closely adhered to the Soviet line.

[Source: Stalin's Christian Soldiers: The Hammer, the Sickle and the Cross, 1933-1953, by Jim Tuck. Perception Press, St. Augustine, FL. 2000]

According to the Highlander Folk School brochure, their stated goals were: The creation of pamphlets, posters and other printed materials. Training in journalism, union organizing, union dispute resolution, democratic methods, and fund raising. Study of the philosophy and methods of the co-operative movement. To conduct plays and community discussion groups. To develop educational and cultural programs.

In 1960, Highlander had its charter revoked by a Tennessee court after State Police raided the school and made arrests for illegal possession of liquor, public drunkenness and disorderly conduct. Soon after, its buildings mysteriously burned to the ground.

The Props

On 1 December 2000, Rosa Parks was guest of honor when Troy State University Montgomery dedicated its ten million dollar Rosa Parks Library and Museum — a 55,000 square-foot facility that sits atop the spot where on the same day in 1955 Parks refused to relinquish her bus seat to a White man. (At least that’s what we’re told.)

The theme park/book store lovingly preserves the official version of events that resulted in Parks being crowned “Mother of the Civil Rights Movement.” They also sell hats, t-shirts, coffee mugs, and other memorabilia, not unlike a Holocaust museum.

The facility includes an actual 1950s-era bus where visitors can hear a harsh recorded voice tell all Blacks to move to the back. The refurbishing of the 1956 General Motors transit bus took about nine months and cost $125,000. The federal government provided 80 percent of the funding and the city paid for the rest.

Montgomery Mayor Bobby Bright said that he hoped the bus would be a step toward bridging the racial gap in the city, which remains segregated, unofficially. “This bus not only is important to the black people in this community, but also to the whites,” Bright said. “We need to find a way to make an effort to unite the citizens of Montgomery and then the world.”

The city operates the bus as a ‘White guilt trip’ on the “Lightning” Route Circulator on Tuesdays through Saturdays from 9 a.m. to 6 p.m. The bus is also part of the transit system’s school outreach program to give school-age children a rolling history lesson of the bus boycott.

In 1996 Rosa Parks received the Presidential Medal of Freedom. In 1999, she was awarded the Congressional Gold Medal. Both are on display in Montgomery.

Rosa Parks is the first woman to lie in state in the rotunda of the U. S. Capitol. And now U. S. Sen. John Kerry (D-Mass.) has introduced a bill to memorialize Parks in the hall with a statue.

“It will emphasize, in no uncertain terms, the values that have broken down and the great contributions that African-Americans have made,” Kerry told reporters.

Kerry introduced his bill Nov. 3, the day after Parks was laid to rest after nine days of tributes, including a seven-hour funeral in Detroit and flags flown at half-staff.

“I can’t think of a person more deserving,” Kerry says. “Every American needs to be reminded of her legacy, and one way to keep her legacy alive is to remind everyone who walks through the Capitol — schoolchildren, families, members of Congress and presidents — that she refused to go quietly to the back of the bus, and we need to follow her example.”

Prepare The Lube

From Americans for Tax Reform
8-23-10


In just six months, on January 1, 2011, the largest tax hikes in the history of America will take effect.

They will hit families and small businesses in three great waves.

On January 1, 2011, here's what happens... (read it to the end, so you see all three waves)...


First Wave

Expiration of 2001 and 2003 Tax Relief

In 2001 and 2003, the GOP Congress enacted several tax cuts for investors, small business owners, and families. These will all expire on January 1, 2011.


Personal Income Tax Rates Will Rise

The top income tax rate will rise from 35 to 39.6 percent (this is also the rate at which two-thirds of small business profits are taxed).

The lowest rate will rise from 10 to 15 percent.

All the rates in between will also rise.

Itemized deductions and personal exemptions will again phase out, which has the same mathematical effect as highermarginal tax rates.


The full list of marginal rate hikes is below:

The 10%
bracket rises to an expanded 15%

The 25%
bracket rises to 28%

The 28%
bracket rises to 31%

The 33%
bracket rises to 36%

The 35%
bracket rises to 39.6%


Higher Taxes On Marriage And Family

The "marriage penalty" (narrower tax brackets for married couples) will return from the first dollar of income.

The child tax credit will be cut in half from $1000 to $500 per child.

The standard deduction will no longer be doubled for married couples relative to the single level.

The dependent care and adoption tax credits will be cut.


The Return Of The Death Tax

This year only, there is no death tax. (It's a quirk!) For those dying on or after January 1, 2011, there is a 55 percent top death tax rate on estates over $1 million. A person leaving behind two homes, a business, a retirement account, could easily pass along a death tax bill to their loved ones. Think of the farmers who don't make much money, but their land, which they purchased years ago with after-tax dollars, is now worth a lot of money. Their children will have to sell the farm, which may be their livelihood, just to pay the estate tax if they don't have the cash sitting around to pay the tax.

Think about your own family's assets. Maybe your family owns real estate, or a business that doesn't make much money, but the building and equipment are worth $1 million. Upon their death, you can inherit the $1 million business tax free, but if they own a home, stock, cash worth $500K on top of the $1 million business, then you will owe the government $275,000 cash! That's 55% of the value of the assets over $1 million! Do you have that kind of cash sitting around waiting to pay the estate tax?


Higher Tax Rates On Savers And Investors

The capital gains tax will rise from 15 percent this year to 20 percent in 2011.

The dividends tax will rise from 15 percent this year to 39.6 percent in 2011.

These rates will rise another 3.8 percent in 2013.

The Second Wave
Obamacare

There are over twenty new or higher taxes in Obamacare. Several will first go into effect on January 1, 2011. They include:

The "Medicine Cabinet Tax"

Thanks to Obamacare, Americans will no longer be able to use health savings account (HSA), flexible spending account (FSA), or health reimbursement (HRA) pre-tax dollars to purchase non-prescription, over-the-counter medicines (except insulin).

The "Special Needs Kids Tax"

This provision of Obamacare imposes a cap on flexible spending accounts (FSAs) of $2500 (Currently, there is no federal government limit). There is one group of FSA owners for whom this new cap will be particularly cruel and onerous: parents of special needs children.

There are thousands of families with special needs children in the United States , and many of them use FSAs to pay for special needs education.

Tuitiion rates at one leading school that teaches special needs children in Washington , D.C. ( National Child Research Center ) can easily exceed $14,000 per year.

Under tax rules, FSA dollars can not be used to pay for this type of special needs education.

The HSA (Health Savings Account) Withdrawal Tax Hike.

This provision of Obamacare increases the additional tax on non-medical early withdrawals from an HSA from 10 to 0 percent, disadvantaging them relative to IRAsand other tax-advantaged accounts, which remain at 10 percent.


The Third Wave

The Alternative Minimum Tax (AMT) and Employer Tax Hikes

When Americans prepare to file their tax returns in January of 2011, they'll be in for a nasty surprise-the AMT won't be held harmless, and many tax relief provisions will have expired.

The major items include:

The AMT will ensnare over 28 million families, up from 4 million last year.

According to the left-leaning Tax Policy Center , Congress' failure to index the AMT will lead to an explosion of AMT taxpaying families-rising from 4 million last year to 28.5 million. These families will have to calculate their tax burdens twice, and pay taxes at the higher level. The AMT was created in 1969 to ensnare a handful of taxpayers.

Small business 'expensing' will be slashed and 50% expensing will disappear.

Small businesses can normally 'expense' (deduct) rather than slowly-deduct or 'depreciate' equipment purchases up to $250,000.

The traditional $250,000 figure will be cut all the way down to $25,000!

Larger businesses can currently expense half of their purchases of equipment. In January of 2011, ALL of it will have to be "depreciated." (The depreciation period over which a business must write off a major expense is often THIRTY YEARS.)

Taxes will be raised on all types of businesses

There are literally scores of tax hikes on business that will take place. The biggest is the loss of the "research and experimentation tax credit," but there are many, many others. Combining high marginal tax rates with the loss of this tax relief will cost jobs.

Tax Benefits for Education and Teaching Reduced

Teachers will no longer be able to deduct classroom expenses.

Coverdell Education Savings Accounts will be cut.

Employer-provided educational assistance is curtailed.

The student loan interest deduction will be disallowed for hundreds of thousands of families.

Charitable Contributions from IRAs no longer allowed

Under current law, a retired person with an IRA can contribute up to $100,000 per year directly to a charity from their IRA.

This contribution also counts toward an annual "required minimum distribution." This ability will no longer be there.

PDF Version Read more:


And Worse Yet?

Now, your insurance will be INCOME on your W2's!

One of the surprises we'll find come next year, is what follows - - a little "surprise" that 99% of us had no idea was included in the "new and improved" healthcare legislation . . . the dupes, er, dopes, who backed this administration will be astonished!

Starting in 2011, (next year folks), your W-2 tax form sent by your employer will be increased to show the value of whatever health insurance you are given by the company. It does not matter if that's a private concern or governmental body of some sort.

If you're retired? So what... your gross will go up by the amount of insurance you get.

You will be required to pay taxes on a large sum of money that you have never seen. Take your tax form you just finished and see what $15,000 or $20,000 additional gross does to your tax debt. That's what you'll pay next year.

For many, it also puts you into a new higher bracket so it's even worse.

This is how the government is going to buy insurance for the15% that don't have insurance and it's only part of the tax increases.

Not believing this??? Here is a research of the summaries.....

On page 25 of 29: TITLE IX REVENUE PROVISIONS- SUBTITLE A: REVENUE OFFSET PROVISIONS-(sec. 9001, as modified by sec. 10901) Sec.9002 "requires employers to include in the W-2 form of each employee the aggregate cost of applicable employer sponsored group health coverage that is excludable from the employees gross income."

___________


Joan Pryde is the senior tax editor for the Kiplinger letters.

Go to Kiplingers and read about 13 tax changes that could affect you. Number 3 is what is above.